by
Takis Michas*
Such rhetoric is far from
unusual in Greece these days, and its growing influence helps explain why the
country is struggling to get a grip on its economic problems. From its very
first day in power the far-left Syriza party government of Prime Minister
Alexis Tsipras has tried consistently to frame the political debate in Greece
not as a conflict between differing worldviews or economic philosophies, but as
a conflict between “foreign centers” and the “motherland” (patrida).
In this view, negotiations
with creditors—especially Germany—aren’t about economic reforms, Greece’s
ability to repay or the like. Rather, the bailouts are an attempt to exploit
Greece for nefarious ends. In a recently published book entitled “Colonies of
Debt,” Foreign Minister Nikos Kotzias purports to reveal a satanic plan by
Germany aiming to subjugate Greece. This plan, according to Mr. Kotzias,
involves turning Greece into a “colony of debt” so that the Germans can acquire
Greece’s wealth. “Just like under the Nazi Occupation,” he writes, “Germany
aims to control the mineral wealth of the country.”
If economic reform is
colonialism by another name, it follows that opposition to Syriza’s resistance
to reform must be treasonous. Mr. Lafazanis denounces Greek opponents of Syriza
as a “Fifth Column” promoting the interests of “foreign centers.” Mr. Kotzias
in his book accuses the Greek political forces that supported the bailout
agreements of acting as servants of foreign powers, especially Berlin.
Two days ago government
sources responded to the critical reports of controversial Finance Minister
Yanis Varoufakis in the international media by attributing them to a
“methodically planned” international campaign. In a recent parliamentary
debate, Mr. Tsipras goaded the opposition: “Are you with [German Chancellor
Angela] Merkel or with Greece?”
This is at odds with the
approach Athens has taken when discussing the country’s economic predicament
with foreign audiences. Overseas, Syriza suggests the main issue is fiscal
austerity versus growth, and the party presents itself as representative of
democratically expressed frustration with the bailout-imposed reform program.
But at home, the rhetoric
directed at the domestic audience is less and less democratic. Instead, Syriza
deploys an authoritarian narrative according to which the country is involved
in a titanic struggle against the dark forces of international capitalism and
their local servants. This combination of authoritarianism with nationalism
explains to a large extent Syriza’s continuing popularity (recent declines
notwithstanding), despite the growing danger that Syriza would trigger an
undesired exit from the euro. Syriza has been able to manipulate in a masterly
way the collective mindset of Greece, where conspiracy theories and feelings of
victimization abound.
With its us-against-them
politics, Syriza is trying to shut down any debate over the factors one
normally associates with Greece’s dismal economic performance: lack of competitiveness,
low public-sector productivity, bad public schools, corrupt civil servants,
clientelism, rent-seeking, dysfunctional justice, bureaucracy, inflexible labor
markets, unrealistic pensions and the like. “What is extremely dangerous in
this narrative,” says best-selling author Nikos Dimou, “is that anybody who
happens to view things differently is seen as not being a real Greek but as a
stooge of the foreign powers.”
Kostas Lavdas, a political
scientist at Tufts University, considers this a real problem for both public
discourse and policy choices. “Looking for external and internal ‘enemies of
the people’ leads to a regression to the nationalist and authoritarian
political culture that existed prior to Greece’s entry in the EU. At the same
time, it traps the government itself and limits its policy choices. Each time
there are difficulties in the negotiation those are followed by new rounds of
maximalist discourse at home. The result is that the government makes it ever
more difficult for itself to achieve an agreement.”
At the same time, the leading
New Democracy opposition party has been unable to articulate an alternative
narrative. As George Bitros of the Athens University of Economics and Business
puts it, “The opposition has not managed to frame the issue in terms that
reflect the reality of the situation: As conflict between reformers and
anti-reformers, between those that want Greece to unleash entrepreneurial
creativity and those that want to keep entrepreneurs obeying the diktats of a
powerful state.”
Moves by Mr. Tsipras to
sideline Mr. Varoufakis in negotiations with creditors have sparked new
optimism among some analysts that Syriza may now be ready to strike a deal to
avert default. Perhaps. Or it could prove yet another tactical delaying move.
Whatever happens, Syriza has hurt the quality of economic and political debates
in Greece in ways that could have serious consequences.
* Mr. Michas is a political
analyst for the website protagon.gr.
By: N. Peter Kramer
